Unfortunately, examples of failed U.S. leadership in foreign policy continue to increase in both frequency and gravity:

1. We have failed to stop Iran’s nuclear-weapons program.
2. We have failed to punish Tehran for facilitating the deaths of American soldiers
3. We have failed to punish them for plotting to assassinate the Saudi ambassador to Washington.

In the aftermath of September 11, 2012, an even more tragic failure,the Obama administration failed to have Iraq extradite Hezbollah terrorist Ali Musa Daqduq to the U.S. for trial. The president continues to reinforce the impression of American impotence. In December 2011, nearly a year ago, we predicted that the failure to extradite Daqduq would “have serious repercussions, measured in diplomatic defeats and lost lives.”

Did the fact that an Iraqi court cleared Daqduq of all charges embolden the attackers on Benghazi last month?

The organizing principle of the administration’s foreign policy is one of weakness and passivity, coupled with a conspicuous rhetorical abdication of American leadership, write David Rivkin and Lee Casey.

by David B. Rivkin and Lee A. Casey | September 21, 2012 4:45 AM EDT

A few days ago on The Daily Beast, Leslie Gelb praised President Obama’s handling of the unfolding crisis in the Middle East last week and evidently discerns no connection between the ensuing wave of anti-American violence and the broader parameters of American foreign policy. He is wrong on both counts. The administration’s crisis management has been mediocre. Even more fundamentally, the current assault on America’s position in the Middle East is attributable not to the trailer for an obscure anti-Muslim movie, but to Obama’s own foreign-policy failures.

The administration’s crisis-management strategy continues to emphasize its regret about that film, Innocence of Muslims. This was manifest not only in the original (and subsequently retracted) statement from our embassy in Cairo, but in all statements by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and the president. But deploring efforts to denigrate Muslim religious beliefs is only the first half of the sentence. The administration should have also robustly propounded its commitment to the virtues and values of free expression in a free society, and why this must necessarily encompass offensive speech. Whenever the White House mentions the First Amendment these days, it is done mostly in a defensive mode, by way of explaining (almost in sorrow) to the Muslim world why the U.S. government cannot legally suppress anti-Muslim films rather than a compelling explanation of why such films should not be suppressed. As Clinton stated on Sept. 14, “I know it is hard for some people to understand why the United States cannot or does not just prevent these kinds of reprehensible videos from ever seeing the light of day.” But simply saying that free speech is enshrined in our Constitution “is not enough” the administration must explain why that is a good thing to which they too should aspire.

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David B. Rivkin Jr., an American appellate attorney, political writer and media commentator initiated the public debate on the constitutionality of the healthcare law known as ObamaCare.

Whether offering insight into the constitutionality of legislation or commentary on policy and critical issues facing America, David Rivkin offers an unparalleled view from his perspective as both a White House insider and outside counsel.

David Rivkin’s speeches draw on more than 20 years of experience in the forefront of constitutional law, and domestic and foreign policy. David is available for speaking engagements in 2012 on a limited basis. Please call (804) 353-5999 or email patsy@arnettandassociates.com.